In Part 2, Collier explains the social and economic effects of immigration on a host society. He predicts that, if left uncontrolled, migration will accelerate. Contrary to the utilitarian universalist principle operating on the basis of the greatest happiness for the greatest while disregarding what happens to the individuals in host countries, Collier claims that mutual regard matters.
It matters insofar as it normally generates cooperative action and trust, and is based on the sympathy people have for each other, of which cultural affinity is a precondition. Furthermore, since every country has its own social model — rules, norms and narratives — poor countries admittedly have worse social models in terms of cooperation, trust among citizens and institutions. Migrants moving to other countries, Collier argues, bring worse cultures with them. Migrants integrating culturally into a new society — becoming insiders — is what enables the host social model to keep on functioning.
Some speculate that migrants could be motivated to cooperate more, and more fairly, than the indigenous population, due to their more precarious status and fears for the termination of their work contracts and the non-renewal of their visas. In line with his account, if and when this is the case, should more migration be advocated, insofar as both the social and the economic effects are highly beneficial for the host country?
If this speculation is correct, it urges a more detailed explanation of how we understand and analyse social cooperation and its intertwined relation with cultural identity and attitudes of trust.
In Parts 3 and 4, Collier analyses the economic and social effects of migration, focusing on migrants and those left behind. Migrants are both the big economic winners from migration, with their income sometimes increasing up to per cent, and the big losers insofar as they suffer psychological costs outweighing the economic ones, and because their wages seem to be affected by the new incoming migrants. He also claims that those left behind are also better off not only due to the money migrants send back home as remittances, but also because their political and social attitudes, such as voting, are positively affected in the direction of democratic attitudes.
Contrary to the myth that migrants lower indigenous wages, Collier claims that the wages of migrants themselves are affected primarily and for the most part.
Concerns arise with regards to the definition of the term migrant , loosely stated, leaving important implications of his arguments rather obscure. If the migrant is understood as a person of different origin and nationality moving to another country, it is empirically difficult to understand which migrants he analyses when he speaks about Haitian or Latinos, or any other migrant in Europe and the USA.
Would there be any relevant difference for Collier between the migrant moving to Europe 80 years ago, becoming a citizen but never integrating in the relevant sense that Collier understands ideal cultural integration, and a migrant who moved 20 years ago, integrated fully, but never became a citizen?
Collier might be inclined to refer to the first citizen as a migrant — on the basis that he is not integrated culturally in the relevant sense, yet for some of us at least, he is an insider — and to the second non-citizen as a non-migrant on the basis that he is integrated culturally. Political scientists struggle to find which considerations should be taken into account, such as schooling, birth, naturalisation, residence and family relations in order to define a migrant as an insider or an outsider.
The cultural absorption metric, according to which one at some point becomes an insider, might be ontologically and morally arbitrary, too. For many philosophers, it might be problematic to consider that cultural claims override citizenship. For instance, deporting American citizens of Japanese origin from the USA in a moment of tension between the two states is problematic precisely because their deportation is justified on cultural, or broadly ethnic grounds.
In asserting that the migrants are like lottery winners when they achieve migration, Collier seemingly determines that the social and economic effects on host countries are also positive. Emigration has several effects on those left behind, but the clearest, and probably the most important, are on the resident stock of educated people and on remittances.
Big countries like China and India normally gain enormously from emigration, while small countries could suffer when their skilled young generation migrates en masse.
Haiti is one such country, having lost 85 per cent of its educated people. In such cases, Collier recommends restrictions. Assuming that restricting migration will benefit the poor small countries left behind, states are requested to enact migration policies based firstly on national interest, and secondly on the interest of migrants and those left behind. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.
Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Georgiana Turculet. A short summary of this paper. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. The long list of his publications culminates with his most recent book in a new research field, marking for the first time the territory of migration scholars and policy-makers.
Collier, however, emphasises that the emigration of those poor who do make it to better societies, usually referring to Europe and the USA, has a number of effects on the poorest left behind; it is indeed of primary moral as well as social and economic concern whether these effects are good or bad.
The question of whether migration is good or bad is not the right question to ask, he argues. We need to ask to what extent migration is ideal and how fast the international movement of people should be taking place. When it comes to the issue of international migration, he argues, immigration policies set by host states ought to weigh the interests, in terms of the social and economic costs and benefits to the indigenous population primarily, against the interests of migrants and those left behind as well.
The question is more how much migration and how we establish it. However, were migration to accelerate, the effects would firstly be socially disastrous, as this would corrode social trust and affect attitudes of cooperation not only between the indigenous people themselves but also between the indigenous population and the migrants. And secondly, even if cooperation and trust were not undermined, rapid immigration would come at the expense of cultural loss.
Collier invites us to imagine England becoming Bangladeshi, or Africa becoming Chinese. Migration, therefore, would not be desirable even if the gains in economic terms were so big as to increase the wealth of the poorest left behind, of the migrants and of the indigenous population. Against global utilitarian and libertarian views which advocate cherishing the freedom of movement of individuals and which posit that open borders would lead to an enormous increase of global wealth, Collier speaks of the risk of loss of national cultures, leading to a loss of social trust and cooperation.
Protecting culture in the face of diversity is, therefore, an overarching criterion in establishing migration policies. In the five constitutive parts of the book, rich in philosophical, sociological, economic, moral, and political reflections, Collier attempts to construct his argument against the concept of open borders and to finally propose policy recommendations that mirror such reflections.
Some obscure claims and assumptions are presented in this review, prevalently from a theoretical standpoint. In Part 1, the author claims that disputes about evidence can be resolved, while value-based judgments, the moral and ethical views we hold, may be irresolvable. Migration has economic and social causes and consequences and the toolkit enabling us to get better technical answers to causes and consequences is evidence-based analysis.
Furthermore, his argument suggests that migration scholars and policy practitioners should accept the introduction of more empirical considerations, or facts, insofar as values are responsive to reasons and empirics. However, contrary to evidence-based arguments, value-based judgments tell us why a given model, though efficient, is not desirable.
Should we advocate a fully efficient social model signed by pervasive inequality, or a less efficient one which is morally more appealing? If the response for everyone is the second option, as it is, we agree that, even if people do not cherish the same values, discussion makes sense, since people change their view through rational deliberation.
Inconsistent with his suggestions that empirical evidence should anticipate value-based judgments, Collier starts his argument by justifying the values he cherishes, which provide guidance of what the ends of our actions and institutions ought to be, and which guide his policy recommendations.
His account is compatible with liberal-nationalistic views, where the core assumption is that the nation is a morally justified unit. In The Bottom Billion, Collier offers real hope for solving one of the great humanitarian crises facing the world today. Alfred Maizels' work on commodity trade and prices documented trends in a major area of international economic relations.
This book elaborates the ideas in the tradition of Maizels' contributons, and discusses and extends these theories in relation to current problems.
However, he argues the last billion—the bottom billion—are being left far behind. Not only is this demographic failing to achieve strong economic progress, says Collier, but in many cases it is regressing to a quality of existence more characteristic of the fourteenth century than the twenty-first. For fear of stigmatization, Collier declines to list the countries where the bottom billion live. He does comment the majority of those living in the most abject conditions are located within a group of some 58 states, mostly in Africa and Central Asia.
Still, the average person in these bottom billion countries is now poorer than in and are statistically more susceptible to war and violent conflict, disease, environmental hazards, and corrupt governance. Many of the problems shared by these people are exacerbated by a lack of health care, education and other vital infrastructure Buy a copy to keep reading!
Now, in The Plundered Planet, Collier builds upon his renowned work on developing countries and the world's poorest populations to confront the global mismanagement of natural resources. Proper stewardship of natural assets and liabilities is a matter of planetary urgency: natural resources have the potential either to transform the poorest countries or to tear them apart, while the carbon emissions and agricultural follies of the developed world could further impoverish them.
The Plundered Planet charts a course between unchecked profiteering on the one hand and environmental romanticism on the other to offer realistic and sustainable solutions to dauntingly complex issues.
Grounded in a belief in the power of informed citizens, Collier proposes a series of international standards that would help poor countries rich in natural assets better manage those resources, policy changes that would raise world food supply, and a clear-headed approach to climate change that acknowledges the benefits of industrialization while addressing the need for alternatives to carbon trading.
Revealing how all of these forces interconnect, The Plundered Planet charts a way forward to avoid the mismanagement of the natural world that threatens our future.
In Exodus, Paul Collier, the world-renowned economist and bestselling author of The Bottom Billion, clearly and concisely lays out the effects of encouraging or restricting migration. Drawing on original research and case studies, he explores this volatile issue from three perspectives: that of the migrants themselves, that of the people they leave behind, and that of the host societies where they relocate.
Has this assistance improved the lives of Africans? In fact, across the continent, the recipients of this aid are not better off as a result of it, but worse—much worse. In Dead Aid, Dambisa Moyo describes the state of postwar development policy in Africa today and unflinchingly confronts one of the greatest myths of our time: that billions of dollars in aid sent from wealthy countries to developing African nations has helped to reduce poverty and increase growth.
In fact, poverty levels continue to escalate and growth rates have steadily declined—and millions continue to suffer. Provocatively drawing a sharp contrast between African countries that have rejected the aid route and prospered and others that have become aid-dependent and seen poverty increase, Moyo illuminates the way in which overreliance on aid has trapped developing nations in a vicious circle of aid dependency, corruption, market distortion, and further poverty, leaving them with nothing but the "need" for more aid.
Debunking the current model of international aid promoted by both Hollywood celebrities and policy makers, Moyo offers a bold new road map for financing development of the world's poorest countries that guarantees economic growth and a significant decline in poverty—without reliance on foreign aid or aid-related assistance.
Dead Aid is an unsettling yet optimistic work, a powerful challenge to the assumptions and arguments that support a profoundly misguided development policy in Africa. And it is a clarion call to a new, more hopeful vision of how to address the desperate poverty that plagues millions. The world is in a mess. For more than a billion people, everyday life is played out against the backdrop of civil wars, military coups and failing economies. For them, the peaceful democracy taken for granted in the West seems an impossible pipe-dream.
But solutions do exist - it is up to us to achieve them. Award-winning academic Paul Collier's vision for the future of the developing world is eye-opening, provocative and refreshingly unequivocal.
His research has centred upon the causes and consequences of civil war, the effects of aid, and the problems of democracy in low-income and natural-resource-rich societies. Within macroeconomics, there is a focus on external shocks, exchange rate and trade policies, whilst microeconomic topics focus upon labour and financial markets, as well as rural development. From world-renowned economist Paul Collier, a candid diagnosis of the failures of capitalism and a pragmatic and realistic vision for how we can repair it.
Deep new rifts are tearing apart the fabric of the United States and other Western societies: thriving cities versus rural counties, the highly skilled elite versus the less educated, wealthy versus developing countries. As these divides deepen, we have lost the sense of ethical obligation to others that was crucial to the rise of post-war social democracy.
So far these rifts have been answered only by the revivalist ideologies of populism and socialism, leading to the seismic upheavals of Trump, Brexit, and the return of the far-right in Germany. We have heard many critiques of capitalism but no one has laid out a realistic way to fix it, until now. In a passionate and polemical book, celebrated economist Paul Collier outlines brilliantly original and ethical ways of healing these rifts—economic, social and cultural—with the cool head of pragmatism, rather than the fervor of ideological revivalism.
He reveals how he has personally lived across these three divides, moving from working-class Sheffield to hyper-competitive Oxford, and working between Britain and Africa, and acknowledges some of the failings of his profession.
The UN Global Compact is the largest corporate sustainability initiative and, with over 12, participating organizations, provides a major influence on global business sustainability practices. Its mission is to guide organizations in how to 1 do business responsibly by aligning their strategies and operations with Ten Principles on human rights, labour, environment and anti-corruption; and 2 take strategic actions to advance broader societal goals, such as the UN Sustainable Development Goals, with an emphasis on collaboration and innovation.
This new book addresses head-on some of the most persistent managerial challenges faced by businesses and organizations today. To what extent are businesses able to practice responsible management with regard to the Ten Principles of the UN Global Compact?
How can managers of organizations comprehensively and pragmatically address the risks and responsibilities concerning these complex and changing issues in their policies and practice?
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